DIPLOMACY IN A WHIRLPOOL |
Muscovite Prelude.
Soviet Russia could have established a Communist dictatorship in Hungary right after the occupation of the country by the Red Army. This was probably not deemed opportune because of the various inter-Allied agreements and internal conditions in Hungary where the Communist Party had no significant popular support. The Muscovite satrap of Hungary, Matyas Rakosi, recently stated that the Communist Party, in the spring of 1945, was not able to win over the majority of the toiling masses to the aims of a proletarian dictatorship. He added that "the approval and support of the decisive majority of the toilers cannot be substituted even by the liberating intervention of the Soviet Army".1 Moreover, he explained, the Hungarian Communist Party "was burdened with the cares of ruling a state when it had as yet hardly any organizations".2
Instead of attempting to introduce the Soviet system in one sweeping move, the Kremlin decided to establish a coalition regime a course which corresponded to inter-Allied agreements. On December 5, 1944, a Moscow-trained Hungarian Communist leader, Erno Gero, presented a list of the designated cabinet members to the Hungarian armistice delegation in Moscow and to the Hungarian generals who had gone over to the Red Army after the armistice proclamation of Horthy. General Kuznetsov assisted on this occasion. Gero explained that the plan for a provisional government was formulated and a list prepared with the consent of the United Kingdom and the United States. General Bela D_lnoki Miklos, former commander of the first Hungarian Army, and J_nos Voros, former chief of staff of the Hungarian Army, accepted the proposed list and the positions offered to them. Miklos was designated prime minister, and Voros, minister of defense.3
The members of the armistice delegation asked for tventy-four hours in which to reply. A few hours later, however, the conference was to be continued. This time Molotov met with the delegation and stated that he was glad that the designated persons had accepted their positions in the cabinet. Count Geza Teleki attempted to decline the portfolio offered him, but was forced by threats to accept.4
This prelude in Moscow was closely connected with the activities of Communist agents in Hungary. Moscow-trained Communists, like Gero
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and Imre Nagy, previous to the presentation of the cabinet list, were roving throughout eastern Hungary behind the Red Army, selecting members of the cabinet.
There moved with the Soviet Army into devastated Hungary, a group of Hungarian emigres, members of the 1919 Communist regime of Bela Kun the so-called Muscovites. They had become Soviet citizens some of them were members of the invading army and having been trained in Moscow were entrusted to apply the recipe for world revolutionary conquest as explained in the works of Lenin and Stalin. Some of them played an important role in the international Communist movement and had fulfilled missions as Communist organizers in various foreign countries. Besides their indoctrination, they had been deeply impressed in Russia by the purge of Bela Kun and other Hungarian Communists.5 Thus their only loyalty had been an absolute obedience to the Kremlin. The fact that they spoke Hungarian, had a Hungarian background, and were informed about conditions in the country greatly facilitated their task. Hungary, politically disintegrated, economically ruined, and occupied by the Red Army, seemed a good case where the teaching of Lenin and Stalin could easily be applied.
The Horthy regime in the 'twenties' and 'thirties' had suppressed the Communist Party, so the Communists could maintain in Hungary only a few underground cells. Between these cells and Moscow, an underground communications system had functioned. The returned emigres knew that these Communist groups could not possibly form the basis for the realization of their political aims. They did not follow the clumsy and violent policy of the 1919 Hungarian-Communist regime of Bela Kun, which had left such a deep feeling of resentment among the Hungarian people. To win sympathy and popular support they now advocated a coalition government, praised the principles of democracy, and even preached the necessity of collaborating with the Catholic Church. Communist brigades actually helped to restore destroyed churches. Such actions were greatly publicized. It was emphasized that the Russians wanted only to annihilate Fascism and did not intend to interfere with internal politics. Patriotic slogans were the order of the day. The bourgeois and peasant leaders of the underground parties were publicly extolled by the Communists as progressive and reliable democrats who were entitled to share in the leadership of the country. Thus in this first postwar period in Hungary the Communists acted with extreme caution and cunning. At that time the pattern of their later designs was anticipated by only a few people.
The sapping and undermining of democracy nonetheless had already begun. Communist good faith could not have been questioned publicly in any way. Freedom of speech did not exist. Even after the end of
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Russian censorship the Communists effectively controlled the press through a system of licenses, allocation of newsprint, and the printers trade-union.
Pattern of Reorganization.
The political reorganization of the country was undertaken by the "Hungarian
National Independence Front". This was a coalition established shortly after
the German occupation of Hungary by the underground leaders of the Smallholder,
Social Democrat, and Communist parties. The Communists organized in this period
under the name of the Peace Party. Later, the National Peasant Party, and in
December, 1944, the Citizen's Democratic Party, were also admitted into the
Hungarian Front. Another important event in underground politics was the
agreement of collaboration concluded between the Communist and Social
Democratic parties.6 Point two of the agreement declared the necessity of
merging the Communist and Social Democratic parties, in order to form a united
revolutionary worker's party. The carrying out of the unification was left for
the postwar period. Point eight provided for immediate unification of Hungarian
workers through the tradeunions.
In the villages, towns, districts and counties occupied by the Red Army,
so-called "national committees" immediately arose, with representatives of the
former underground parties and the trade-unions. The committees were formed
almost everywhere through the intervention of Communist emissaries, who did
their best to select docile fellow travelers from all parties as members. The
crippled transportation system was controlled by the Red Army. Joseph Gabor
and, a few months later, Erno Gero both Muscovite Communists became the
ministers of commerce and transportation in the provisional government. Freedom
of movement was thus assured to Communist agents, who were supported in every
respect by the occupying forces and spoke with authority to the terrorized
population.
From the very beginning of the new regime, national committees handled all
public affairs on the municipal level. In most places the committees were
Communist-dominated. The situation was particularly anomalous in the villages
where the vast majority of the peasants considered the Smallholder Party their
own. The Communist Party had not previously existed in the villages and the
Social Democratic Party had few, if any, members. The Peasant Party had just
begun to organize. The peasants soon realized that through the national
committees they were being ruled by a new oligarchy of incompetent persons, who
were either of dubious reputation or else entirely unknown in the villages.
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While Budapest and western Hungary were still in German hands, the Muscovite
Communists, moving around behind the front in Russian army cars, picked up the
available members of the former opposition parties and took them to Debrecen.
There these former opposition politicians approved a Communist proposa] to
convene a provisional national assembly.7 This seemed to be a sensible course
under the circumstances.
In the larger villages and towns the national committees quickly organized
meetings which elected representatives by acclamation.8 The Provisional
National Assembly in Debrecen consisted of 230 deputies of whom 72 were
Communists, 57 Smallholders, 35 Social Democrats, 19 representatives of
trade-unions, and 12 members of the Peasant Party. The rest of the deputies
were without apparent party affiliation. Seven Muscovite Communists became
members of the Assembly. The elected representatives were transported by
Russian army cars to Debrecen where they were lavishly entertained by the
Russian High Command.
The Provisional National Assembly declared itself the sole representative of
the sovereignty of the Hungarian State. Its speaker fulfilled an important role
in the absence of a head of the state. At the first session of the Assembly,
December 21, 1944, Erno Gero, as a leading Muscovite, emphasized that the
policy of the Hungarian Communist Party was "a Hungarian, democratic, and
national policy".9 The following day the Assembly fulfilled its two major tasks
by electing a provisional national government and authorizing it to conclude an
armistice agreement with the Allied powers.
Under the leadership of Foreign Minister Janos Gyongyosi, a new Hungarian
delegation traveled to Moscow. Molotov's first question addressed to the second
armistice delegation was whether or not they considered themselves a successor
of Horthy's armistice delegation. Gyongyosi replied negatively and stated that
the new democratic government of Hungary in no way considered itself as a
successor of the Horthy regime. Thereafter Gyongyosi asked for a reduction of
the reparations to be imposed on Hungary in view of the devastated country, a
part of which was still under German rule. Molotov suddenly became severe and
began to read from a sheet of paper: "Nobody attacked Hungary. Hungary attacked
the Soviet Union. . . ." And so he continued to read a long list of accusations
against Hungary. The Hungarians had to sign the text of the armistice as it was
presented to them.10
When the Germans were driven out of Hungary and the Government could move to
Budapest in March and April, 1945, the number of deputies in the Provisional
National Assembly increased to 495. Together with the Social Democratic and
trade-union representatives the
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Communists had an absolute majority. Although the Assembly declared itself the
only representative of the sovereignty of the Hungarian state, it actually
delegated its power to a political committee and to the cabinet. The Government
promulgated the most important reforms as decrees, subsequently approved by the
Assembly. In the two short sessions of the Assembly, acceptance of the decrees
and other proposals took place almost without debate. Ratification of the
armistice agreement and of the declaration of war on Germany, agrarian reform,
and establishment of a National Supreme Council for the exercise of the powers
of the head of state were the most important legis]ative acts of the
Provisional Assembly.
The constant effort of the Kremlin to give an appearance of legality to all
its actions appeared clearly in this call for the National Assembly and
establishment of a new government. The members of the Government were the same
persons designated by Molotov in the name of the three major Allies on December
6, 1944. The Communist policy makers did their best not to irritate popular
feelings, in order to gain the approval of the constitutionally minded
Hungarian public. A constitutional setting was necessary for the birth of the
new regime, to prove it a legitimate child of the Hungarian people.
The exterior appearance of the Provisional National Government was better than
expected.11 Members were carefully selected in order to win the confidence of
the public. In the cabinet the Communists and Smallholders each had two
portfolios, the Social Democrats three, and the Peasant Party one. Besides
these eight party men there were four nonparty men. Prime Minister Dalnoki
Miklos had been the commanderin-chief of the first Hungarian Army and he
surrendered to the Russians after the armistice proclamation of Regent Horthy.
Two ministers, Janos Voros and Gabor Faragho, had also been generals during the
Horthy regime. Count Geza Teleki, was a professor of geography and son of the
popular late prime minister. Erich Molnar, labeled in Moscow as a Social
Democrat, later turned out to be an old member of the Communist Party.
The most important portfolio, the Ministry of Interior, was given to Ferenc
Erdei ostensibly a member of the Peasant Party, but actually owing exclusive
allegiance to the Communist Party. Under his cloak and protection the
Communists, from the outset, continued to organize the police all over the
country. They dismissed as "fascists" the members of the old police force, and
only members of the Communist Party could obtain a position of real importance
in the new police force, even in the smallest villages. Rakosi stated that
"there was one single organization over which our Party demanded full control
from the very first
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moment and refused to accept any coalitionist solution. This was the "State
Defense Authority", i.e. the political police.12 The political police were
organized practically as a branch of the Communist Party. If anyone objected to
this Communist domination of the police, the usual reply was that the
Communists had the expert knowledge necessary for purging Nazi collaborators
and Fascists. Once the police force was purified, its control was to be
transferred, they said, to a non-party organization. This never happened.
The whole political set-up created at Debrecen, and particularly the
composition of the new government, demonstrates one of the main principles of
Communist politics. It was and has remained a constant pattern to give formal
authority to non-Communists, while retaining effective control in the hands of
Communists or fellow travelers. In terms of real power the Communists in the
new Hungarian Government had the most important positions.
Many times the Communists suggested names of suitable persons for high
political positions, claiming that they would be acceptable to the Russians,
whose good will, or at least tolerance, was a necessary condition for all
governmental activities. A few months after their appointment the very same
persons were forced to vanish from the scene under attack by the
Communist-dominated press as "reactionary Fascists" working against the
interests of the people. For example, as soon as Count Geza Teleki was elected
president of the Civic Democratic Party, he became the target of concentrated
Communist attacks. This procedure of gradual elimination has remained a
constant Communist practice. The fate of politicians hence was most uncertain
and unpredictable. Whether someone was a genuine patriot and selected as
conservative window dressing or was a fellow traveler apparently made little
difference. Nobody could foresee who would be thrown out when, how or why of
the Communist-run train.
In countries occupied by the Red Army and ruled by Russian-dominated Allied
Control Commissions, the freedom of choice in political matters was very
limited. The Western powers themselves advised the non-Communist politicians to
cooperate with the Communists in a coalition regime.13 In view of the
conditions existing under Soviet occupation which were rapidly becoming worse,
it was difficult to draw the line between the various categories of
fellow-travellers and politicians intending to serve national interests, and
the people who had to cooperate in order to exist.
The Debrecen Government endeavored to function under miserably difficult
conditions. Even in matters such as office space, there was great difficulty.
All governmental offices were crowded into one small building.
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DlPLOMACY lN WHIIRLPO0L
The effectiveness of governmental measures depended entirely on the goodwill of
the Russians. Some destitute members of the Government even got clothes from
the Red Army whose soldiers had "liberated" them from their belongings. The
Government truly was not much more than a show window. There were no regular
railroad, telegraph, or postal communications. The Official Bulletin published
in Debrecen could not be distributed beyond the outskirts of the town. Real
power lay in the hands of the occupying Soviet forces. In addition, the
Communist-dominated local national committees and Communist-organized police
actually administered the affairs of the country. Moreover, the Debrecen
Government's feeling of deprivation and absolute dependency on the Russians had
an important psychological impact even in the later period when the situation
somewhat improved. Many non-Communist politicians came to realize that the
Russians were all-powerful and that the existence of the new Hungarian state,
emerging on the ruins of Axis-Satellite Hungary, depended entirely on Soviet
Russia. The passive attitude of the Western powers greatly strengthened this
view. It seemed in Debrecen that only a cooperative policy with the Soviet
Union could assure the survival of the Hungarian nation after the catastrophe
of the war. There was no other alternative but to try to get along with the
occupying Soviet authorities, and this seemed no easy task considering the
strongly anti-Communist attitude of the Horthy regime. In this situation the
Hungarian Communists presented themselves as handy gobetweens. Some people
hoped that they would represent Hungarian interests in Moscow.
When the government agencies moved to Budapest, the Russians, the Communist
Party, and the various Communist-sponsored organizations already were occupying
the best buildings. Since many government buildings were entirely destroyed
during the siege, the government departments obtained only badly battered
tenement houses. It was characteristic of the situation that the Foreign
Ministry had to move into a shabby old apartment house, while the
Communist-organized "Democratic Youth Movement" resided in a magnificent
palace. This difference in location and equipment expressed the actual power
position of the Communist Party and the government a fact which could not but
impress the public mind.
A leading Moscovite, Zoltan Vas, was in charge of supplying Budapest with
food. From the country and through the Red Army he could obtain some potatoes,
flour, and other victuals. After the ordeals of the siege it seemed to the
famine-threatened and thoroughly looted capital as if the Communists were the
only good organizers and general benefactors. These transactions, however, had
an interesting background.
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During the war Hungarian authorities sabotaged agrarian exports to Germany. As
a result of this policy, Hungarian livestock increased by 11 percent between
1940 and 1943, and at the time of the Russian invasion eighteen million metric
quintals of cereals were hoarded in public stores.14 The Red Army seized this
hoard, and also about one-half of the country's livestock. Part of it, however,
was given as a loan to the supply agency headed by Zoltan Vas in Budapest. This
act the newspapers hailed as the greatest gesture of Russian generosity. But
the Hungarian Government was expected to make a return in kind.
The new regimes established screening boards in all branches of the public
services, professions, and private firms. The political parties, members of the
National Independence Front, and the trade unions sent representatives to the
screening boards. The real meaning and the implications of the screening
process were not realized by the non-Communist parties and the non-Communist
members of the screening boards. As a result, the outcome was unpredictable. In
a number of cases the verdicts of the boards were just. But frequently people
with a doubtful or worse record were able to keep their positions while others
were summarily dismissed. Often petty jealousies or Communist zeal prevailed
over the facts. In all fairness one can say that the screening boards were
asked to do the impossible. Party politicians were judging people not only for
their actions but even for the motives of their actions when, apart from
criminal cases, no standards were available. The excitement created by the
screening had hardly died down when purges on new pretexts and mass dismissals
brought it to a new pitch. This process disintegrated the national and
municipal administration, weakened initially by the earlier flight of civil
servants to the West.
Before the war Hungary had a non-party civil service. Now the Communists
proposed that all important positions be divided among the parties. The
non-Communist parties accepted this system, which theoretically would have
secured a non-Communist majority in the administration and offered the
opportunity to reward their own party men. But at the same time the Communists
began to train a well indoctrinated Marxist elite for the various government
positions.
It was taken for granted that the coalition parties would participate in
organizing the new civil service, and in suggesting appointments for leading
positions. But this general acceptance of a coalition type of spoils system 15
led to abuses and opened wide the door for Communist infiltration tactics,
gradually assuring important positions to opportunists and to men owing
exclusive allegiance to the Communist Party. Communist members of the cabinet,
as a matter of course, filled their ministries with Communists. At the same
time the Communist Party claimed
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DIPLOMACY 1N A WHIRLPOOL
and obtained key positions in the ministries headed by non-Communist
ministers.
The Communists were glad to support the nomination of incompetent
non-Communists in the public service. In this troubled period the
qualifications of sons, sons-in-law, and, in general, devoted party men were
not questioned. The Communists were delighted to see this state of affairs and
to support such appointments, because this was the surest way to demoralize the
non-Communist forces and to strengthen the Communists' own grip on the
country.
The predicament of civil servants who refused to sell themselves to a
political party became increasingly difficult. In the first years toleration by
the Communists was a necessity. But as soon as the Communists trained a
reliable party man for a job, the bourgeois expert was attacked as a
reactionary fascist and eliminated.
After a while the Smallholder Party, sensing the Communist tactics, attempted
to defend competent officials in the course of various purges and dismissals.
Although the Smallholder actions were successful in some cases, they could not
change the over-all picture. One by one the Communists seized the key positions
in the administration. Non-Communist cabinet members gradually became mere
figureheads. The philosophy underlying the spoils system particularly favored
the Communist plans; for as soon as a political leader was declared
"undemocratic", his group was dealt with accordingly, and there were new
vacancies for Communists in the administration.
Agrarian Reform.
In Hungary the large farm and big estate system had continued to exist for a
variety of reasons. Since the number of landless laborers and those holding
only a few acres amounted to three million, or nearly one-third of the
population of the country, an agrarian reform was long overdue, mainly for
social reasons. Moreover, in the completely devastated and disorganized country
any revival of agricultural production would have been difficult without an
agrarian reform. This was the basic program of the Smallholder Party, but the
plan proposed by their members in Debrecen was rejected by the Communists. As
the first important legislative act of the new regime, a most radical agrarian
reform was promulgated on March 15, 1945, under the dictation of Marshal
Klementy Voroshilov, Chairman of the ACC.16 This decree included many
provisions with exclusively political objectives. The Communists combined the
necessity of an agrarian reform with three major political goals; (a)
liquidation of the old land-owning class, (b) winning the support of the
landless peasantry, and (c) gaining gradual control of the whole
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REORGANIZATION UF HUNGARY
agrarian population. The average holding to be retained by the landowners was
one hundred cadastral yokes (142 acres), but those who owned property over one
thousand cadastral yokes (1420 acres) were deprived of all their land.17 The
Communist Minister of Agriculture and the Communist-dominated national
committees took care of the prompt and thorough execution of the law. In many
places the local commandants of the Russian forces were ready to intervene and
expedite matters. The actual execution of the agrarian reform often went
beyond, and actually violated, the provisions of the law. The former landowners
had no recourse whatsoever. In all, 642,342 persons received land under the
agrarian reform.
Experts suspected this agrarian reform to be the first preparatory step toward
the introduction of the collectivization of agriculture. The allotments, which
were too small, and the whole structure and execution of the decree were
designed first to get the support of the landless peasantry, and then to prove
that small farms privately owned cannot successfully operate in modern
agriculture. In 1945, however, the Communist Party was fighting for acceptance
by the peasantry. It then claimed that the reform respected private property in
land. Anyone who even hinted that this agrarian reform would necessarily be
followed by collectivization was promptly denounced as a reactionary agitator
and an enemy of the people.
This cautious policy was followed throughout 1945 and 1946. The official
newspaper of the Hungarian Communist Party, Szabad Nep, described the final
goal of the Communist agrarian policy in these words:
The time has come for us to present the peasantry with a new economic program,
extending for a greater length of time. This will really serve the interest of
the peasantry and its aim will be to turn the masses of working peasants into
independent and prosperous farmers. The independent smallholder system is the
best-suited to the particular Hungarian conditions and to the ideas of the
Hungarian peasantry. . . . The land of small and medium peasants will never
become the nest of corruption and exploitation. The defense of such property
rights is the interest of the Hungarian democracy as well as that of the
Communist Party.18
In 1946 the Communists were in desperate competition with the Smallholder
Party and the views expressed in this article aimed to popularize Communist
policy.
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DIPLOMACY lN A WHIRLPOOL
People's Courts.
The seizure of power by the Communists was facilitated by the people's courts.
This was one of the first institutions introduced in all countries after
Russian occupation. The activities of these courts contributed considerably to
the creation of an atmosphere of fear, intimidation, and insecurity.
Originally the people's courts had been established to pass judgment on
Hungarian war criminals.19 Most of them took refuge in Austria and were
extradited by the American occupation authorities to the new Hungarian regime.
The people's courts were organized by decree in January, 1945, at all the seats
of courts of justice. Members were selected from a list prepared by the
political parties who were members of the National Independence Front. Later a
decree authorized the Trade Union Council to appoint a sixth member. This was
one of the rare occasions when the Democratic Civic Party was mentioned among
the members of the National Independence Front. Actually, however, the
Democratic Civic Party was usually not given an opportunity to present
candidates, and the fifth member was selected from another party. The people's
court was presided over by a professional judge. Special people's prosecutors
were appointed by the minister of justice to each people's court, while a
National Council of People's Courts reviewed the sentences in case of appeal.
Its members were appointed by the five political parties from persons who
passed the bar examination.
In some countries, like Bulgaria, the People's Courts administered a large
scale purge, with little regard for legal formality. In more constitutionally
minded countries like Hungary, the formalities were better observed and the
number of victims smaller. As of January 1, 1948, the people's courts in
Hungary had pronounced death on 295 persons, of whom 138 were executed.
Official statistics, of course, do not reveal the number of victims who
perished in concentration camps and in the hands of the political police.
Beginning in 1947, the well-known "spy", "conspiracy", "treason", and
"sabotage" trials were staged before packed courts. These trials were arranged
at first for the elimination of democratic opposition and church leaders, and
later for the liquidation of potential leaders of national Communist
movements.
In this latter period, especially, the people's courts did not administer law
or any sort of objective justice, but rather fulfilled the Communist party
instructions labelled as "popular will" or "social interest". Eventually the
people's courts came to consider all actual or potential opponents of the
Communist dictatorship as "fascist traitors", and dealt with them
accordingly.
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Trade-Unions and Factory Committees.
In Hungary the number of organized Communist workers was not very significant
before 1945. Hence the immediate unification of the workers through the
trade-unions was advocated and effected. The Communist Party seized control of
the trade-unions immediately after the end of hostilities. The Hungarian
trade-union movement in the past had been intimately connected with the Social
Democratic Party. Under the German occupation, the trade-unions were dissolved
and their leaders arrested. The leader of the Social Democrats, Charles Peyer,
who for twenty years had also been secretary-general of the Hungarian Trade
Union Council, was interned in the Mauthausen concentration camp. In his
absence, Arpad Szakasits, former editor of the Social Democratic Party
newspaper assumed leadership of the Party. Szakasits was eager to accept
Communist suggestions when he reorganized the party after the Russian
liberation. Left-wing Socialists were put into almost all key positions. The
moderate and independent elements of the party were considered rightist
deviationists, traitors to the unity of the workers. They were not allowed to
play any role. When in May, 1945, Peyer returned from the Mauthausen
concentration camp, he was offered a diplomatic post as a means of honorable
exile. He did not accept this offer but courageously carried on a losing
battle. Eventually he was excluded from his own party and finally fled the
country with a great many other Socialists. In his absence he was tried and
sentenced as a spy and a traitor.
Membership in the thirty-one Social Democratic trade-unions in Hungary had
dwindled to about 102,000 in 1944. Twenty new trade-unions were formed in 1945,
and the over-all membership in the tradeunions rose to 850,596 that same year
and to 1.288.095 in January of 1947. Unions appeared in all branches of the
state administration, industry, and business. Practically all laborers and
white collar workers had to belong to one of the unions, which soon became an
important tool in the hands of the Communist policy-makers.20 Communists seized
all the leading positions in the National Federation of Trade-Unions and in the
Trade-Union Council. No genuine elections were held.
A delegate of the trade-unions sat on the screening boards and on the national
committees on equal footing with the representatives of the coalition parties.
Under these conditions Communists soon had an absolute majority in all agencies
established by the coalition parties. The delegates of the trade-unions and of
the Social Democratic Party were usually instructed by their pro-Communist
central authorities to support the Communist point of view in the name of the
unity of workers. Since the attitude of the National Peasant Party was
uncertain, the Smallholder
137
representative most of the time remained isolated.
The trade unions obtained other important prerogatives, such as the
monopolistic management of the labor exchanges. Moreover, the system of the
collective agreements was introduced. Such agreements were negotiated and
signed by the National Federation of the Free TradeUnions on behalf of the
employees and by the employer's organization. As for the application and the
interpretation of the agreements, disputes in doubtful cases were referred to
the National Committee of Wages another Communist controlled organization.
The system of collective agreements compelled the employees, whether manual
laborers or white collar workers, to work 48 hours a week. Maximum and minimum
wages were fixed among the different categories of the employees. Overtime work
and shock-work was rewarded according to special rules. All workers were
entitled to a vacation with pay of from six to twenty-five days. A decree
introduced the system of the factory committees in all enterprises employing
twenty or more persons. These committees were entitled to deal not only with
questions relating to working conditions, economic and welfare interests of the
employees, and production control but also with disputes between the employer
and employees. Through the network of these committees the Communist Party
found additional means to strengthen its control over the workers. Such
committees were formed even at the universities and exercised control over many
scholarly activities.
The trade unions and the factory committees manifestly purported to strengthen
the position of the workers in relation to management, but eventually under
them freedom was even more limited than before. Gradually they became tools in
the hands of the Communist leaders, performing their duties under strict
control and discipline. Strikes were forbidden. The Hungarian Communist leader,
Matyas Rakosi, explained, according to H. F. A. Schoenfeld. American Minister
to Hungary, that "strikes for the improvement of working conditions or higher
wages were not permissible in Hungary; they were a luxury which only the
American economy could afford".21 In this spirit the right of labor to organize
freely for the protection of its own interests was entirely suppressed. It was
argued on behalf of this policy that since the state belongs to the workers,
they would wrong themselves by strikes. This situation is justified by Soviet
philosophy, which affirms the right of a small Communist elite to take power in
the name of the proletariat.
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