Toward a New Central Europe

AUSTRIAN NEUTRALITY AND EUROPEAN INTEGRATION

FRITZ BOCK

FOREIGN affairs in Austria are the subject of deeply rooted public discussions. They even play a part in the election campaign, although elections belong chiefly to internal politics.

For instance, the problem of European integration played a leading part in the election campaign of 1962.

The reason why problems of foreign affairs are subject of ever growing attention lies in the fact that they concern more immediately than ever before, the interests of nations and persons alike.

Economics play a leading part in the sphere of foreign affairs and this arouses the interest of the entire population in them.

Integration policy is an importantone could say the most im- portantpart of foreign affairs.

The forming of economic territories stretches itself deeply into the economic policy of a state and determinesnot only in the case of Austriathe economic welfare of its inhabitants. Consequently the citizens showvery naturally a growing interest in the sub- stance, treatment and effect of Austria's foreign affairs.

The first question is, can a neutral state have a foreign policy at all? This question can indeed be a subject of discussion. One must ask oneself, whether neutrality in itself doesn't demand staying away from foreign affairs, from the outset and on principle? The answer to this question is easy: It is evident, that these problems play a part also in the neutral countries. A neutral country must build up its foreign policy entirely by its own decisions. It would be a mistake to imagine that the neutrality policy of all these states is similar. To give you an example: Austria is a member of the European Council since 1956, whilst Switzerland refused at first to join the Council, referring the refusal to reasons of neutrality. They joined only in 1963. Austria is also member of the United Nations, whereas Switzerland for reasons of neutrality policyhas not asked to be received amongst the United Nations. It is equally possible, that a neutral state should have common interests, whereas another of these neutrals could disregard it.

Such an example is the attitude of Sweden towards its Finnish neighbor. Neutrality is an international obligation undertaken by each state on its own, as regards standards and holdings, and is fashioned by each state in the regional frame of political structure. This is the case in Austria, although it declared in the memorandum of Moscow, that it wished to fashion its neutrality policy after the Swiss pattern. Nevertheless the aforementioned fact of Austria's membership in the European Council and the United Nations illustrates the fact that the administration and the extent of neutral policy doesn't accept general rules applicable to each neutral country in the same measure.

The paragraph of the Austrian Constitution regarding its perma- nent neutrality, fixes the fact expressly, that Austria takes no part in any military alliance; this determinates the basis of its obligation of neutrality unequivocally. To remain away from military organiza- tions and to forbid the forming of military bases in Austria, are the obligations Austria took upon herself for safeguarding its own neutrality. That the Austrian foreign policy takes no part in the East-West conflicts and doesn't let itself be influenced by these in the natural outcome of its neutrality policy.

It is equally evident, that Austria cannot neglect certain aspects of its own supremacy like certain states belonging to some coalition, as any such step would render the fulfillment of her obligations re- garding neutrality difficult and might even make it impossible.

Sometimes the wish is voiced, that Austria should prepare codes which would contain all the obligations originating from neutrality, where one could at all times look up these obligations and see if one has not infringed upon them. One cannot sufficiently warn against this. Naturally, neutrality demands certain bearings, however, the contents and the extent of these can and should not be cast into a code.

To give an example: If the United Nations invites a neutral country to send a military or sanitary contingent to an area endangered by some conflict, the neutral country cannot refuse to comply with this request. Or if a neutral country is requested to send one of his citizens to act as President in an international court of arbitration, this country cannot back out of this, all the more, because its neu- trality renders it particularly suited for this job. However, a neutral country can only decide to vote for certain sanctions and take part in the execution of these sanctions from case to case and in accord- ance with the circumstances of each case and only if an international forum competent to act in the case, asks for it.

We must perceive, that the drafting of a fixed code regarding the attitude of neutrality, is not possible. Because it is impossible to enumerate all those problems at the decision of which the board of directors must consider the neutral policy balance.

Besides, experience teaches that each case needs a special decision

It is an open question, how far the manifestations of already known symptoms can serve as examples for deciding on the timely problems.

Consequently, it would be very much mistaken, if a government would impede the fulfillment of its policy of neutrality by publicizing its difficulties and giving rise to suspicion, that aforesaid government doesn't quite agree with the upholding of neutrality.

Finally, it would be equally mistaken to comment on obligations of neutrality which do not exist.

For instance: economy and its territories do not belong to the framework of neutral policy. There is no neutral economy. Neutrality has got nothing to say about the way any country runs its internal economy and how it tries to direct it rightly.

The neutral state must be independent of the balance of neutral policy when it decides on the best way of running its economy in peace or war.

With these comments, we have reached the middle of the Austrian (European) integration policy. The contract which Austria wishes to enter into the European Economic Community, is entirely based on economy. It can only extend to economic interests. Amongst other goals, it aims to secure the future of Austrian export-import. That fact, that this treaty would be contracted with a state whose aims do not conform with neutrality, does not play any part in the case, just as the fact that Austria has economic contracts with other non-neutral states - is also a matter of indifference. We must verify that, to secure economic prosperity - and this the aim of the treaty with the European Market - is the preliminary condition of our country. In peacetime, nothing can endanger a country more than economic need. If we prevent this, we render a considerable service to supremity. Supremity is the preliminary condition of neutralitythis stands beyond question. Seen from this angle, we can say that the treaty which we are trying to concludeinside the bounds of neutrality with the European Economic Community, willby helping the eco- nomic welfare of Austriabecome a considerable pillar of Austrian neutrality. The existence of Austrian foreign policy is determined by its neutral state, this obliges it to conform itself to the attitude of the surrounding states and this presumes "a priori" the rulings of its policy. There is an Austrian neutral policy, but as it must take into consideration its neutrality, it is not always that simple.

If we draw the line between international neutrality and political neutrality, we get the same valuation. This line of demarcation, in the case of Austria, is very sharply partitioned. Austria ison the basis of its social systemin every respect a member of the Western world. The line of demarcation between neutrality and non-commit- ment is often insufficiently marked and is often in danger of becoming blurred. Let us remember the notions of certain individuals, who imagine that Austria should have closer ties with those Communist

countries whose conceptions are not quite conform with those of Moscow. It would be a disastrous mistake if Austria would accept these conceptions.

Although our foreign politics, notwithstanding the fact that Austria belongs to the Western sphere, cannot be entirely guided by the foreign policy of the West, it can equally not take part in the political conceptions of the Communist countries, even though these countries don't always agree with Moscow and Peking in some questions. Not even in case afore-mentioned countries wouldat some dateaccept a policy opposed to Communism. Austria's foreign policy must pre- serve its independence and individuality. Lastly, a few words about the efficiency of Austrian foreign policy. Needless to say, that the efficiency of small countries must by nature, be a limited one. It would be a mistake to overestimate the possibilities of this efficiency. Austrian policy cannot afford this. However, even between these limited possibilities, the foreign politics of small countries have im- portant duties to fulfill. These small states caneven considering their limited powersachieve a great deal, particularly if their gov- ernments can reckon on the approval of the entire population. This is particularly the case in Austria, whose two-party system has been thoroughly rooted since 1945. It is indisputable, that Austria's foreign policy can only achieve efficiency if the government can refer to the approval of both parties.

Any government that could rely only on a party with small majority in Parliament, would lose a great deal of its international credit and could hardly achieve any results in international life.

If Austria wishes to be effective, it must possess the confidence of both partiesand not only because Constitution (unanimous Cabi- net decision) prescribes it. Because of thisas long as it is possible and so far it has proved possible without exceptionthe Austrian foreign policy must have the approval of both parties.

If ever there arises a fundamental and insuperable opposition, then it might become unavoidable to appeal to the nation through new elections. In this case, the nation would have to bear the responsibility. If, as a result of the elections, the government would be victorious, it would gain a new mandate. But as this process wouldfor the time beinginvalidate the government's power of action, it would be desirable to find the common platform of Austrian foreign policy without having to recur to new elections. It has been so up to now and it is to be hoped that it will remain so in the near future.

Toward a New Central Europe