Peter Pastor: Hungary Between Wilson and Lenin...

President Wilson's answer the following day confirmed the failure of the Imperial Manifesto. Secretary Lansing, conveying Wilson's message, declared that, due to America's recognition of the Czecho-Slovak National Council, Point Ten was no longer applicable:

The President is, therefore, no longer at liberty to accept the mere "autonomy" of these peoples as basis for peace, but is obliged to insist that they, and not he, shall be the judges of what action on the part of the Austro-Hungarian Government will satisfy their aspirations and their conception of their rights and destiny as members of the family of nations. [34.]

This new Wilson doctrine supported the notion of national self-determination as a requisite for peace with Austria-Hungary. For the nationalities the choice was simple: independence. Even those who would have otherwise favored the existence of the Empire would have had to vote for the dissolution if they followed the rules of logic. Remaining within the Empire would have meant suffering the consequences of a lost war, while Wilson's offer was an invitation to side with the winners.

On October 16, the Budapest Parliament met to discuss the meaning of the Imperial Manifesto for Hungary. Prime Minister Wekerle saw it as a document proclaiming a personal union between Austria and Hungary. Karolyi accepted this view but declared that the new situation demanded the introduction of a new political program: "We lost the war, now it is important that we ought not lose the peace.',

During the parliamentary discussion, a Karolyi partisan lost his temper and engaged in a shouting duel with members of the Party of Work. He reminded them that the death of one million Magyar soldiers would forever be on their conscience. A Work Party member in turn accused the Karolyi supporter of using treasonous "Entente talk." Tempers flared and, amidst shouts of "traitors," the Speaker suspended the session. Later the Karolyi partisan was reprimanded for his behavior. [35.]

In front of the Parliament building violence also flared. As Istvan Tisza was leaving the building, a young writer made an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate the political leader. The attacker was a member of a self-styled social revolutionary group which had loose connections with the Social Democratic Party. The group thought that the violent death of Tisza would serve as the last act signaling the outbreak of a revolution. A revolution did not break out on that day. Nevertheless, the conspirators justly appraised the situation as nearly revolutionary. The following day, Istvan Tisza answered Karolyi's charges:

I recognize what representative Mihaly Karolyi said yesterday, that we lost this war. . . [36.]

Encouraged by Tisza's admission of defeat, Karolyi pressed on to demand the reigns of the government, but without success. Karolyi saw the desirability of his leadership not only because it might improve Hungary's position vis a vis the Allies, but thought that, if no significant social reforms were introduced by the government, a Bolshevik type of revolution would take place in Hungary. On October 22 he declared in Parliament:

If we do not want here the extreme outbreak of sansculottism and of Bolshevism, we must act today. If not, then I will hold you, Mr. Prime Minister, responsible for that situation that will come to pass unless you step down immediately.

. . . And if the government will not act, then I declare and please note, that I will! [37.]

On the following day Prime Minister Wekerle resigned, but there was no indication that the King would replace him with Karolyi. This negative response forced Karolyi to execute his revolutionary threat. On October 25, he became the president of a newly formed counter-government--the Hungarian National Council. The National Council was a coalition supported by three parties: the Social Democratic Party, the Karolyi Party, and the Radical Party of Oszkar Jaszi. The same day a proclamation was issued by the Council which, like the March 1848 Proclamation of the Hungarian Revolution, had twelve points. It was written by Oszkar Jaszi and was printed in several daily newspapers published on that day. The proclamation included a demand for the change of the "corrupt parliamentary and governmental systems in which the country sees its enemies and not its representatives." This program of the National Council included the creation of an independent Hungary, immediate conclusion of a "hopeless war," the repudiation of the "German Alliance," and universal and secret suffrage. It promised civil liberties and amnesty for all political prisoners. Projected social reforms included the redistribution of land and the nationalization of large scale industries. The last three points dealt with the foreign policy program of the National Council.

Point ten called for the recognition of the "newly created Ukrainian, Polish, Czech, South-Slav and Austrian states,, and for close economic and political cooperation with them. Next, the program outlined the establishment of embassies abroad led by reputable Hungarian democrats. Their major role was "to stress the ties between the Magyar and sister nationalities out of considerations for their common interests.', Point twelve spoke of the need to send to the Peace Conference representatives who favored general disarmament and supported the establishment of strong international organizations. The dictated peace treaties of Bucharest and Brest-Litovsk were renounced with the demand that the "questions of war and peace must be decided by the representatives of all the peoples of the globe.,,

It is significant that point ten spoke only of the recognition of the Czech and not of a Czecho-Slovak state. Also, point eleven implied the willingness of the nationalities to remain within the Hungarian state. The National Council, which was willing to recognize the secession of the Croats, was unwilling to admit that the other nationalities would do the same. This meant that the boundaries of the historic kingdom of St. Stephen were to be defended by the new government as well. The belief that the nationalities would remain within Hungary was not based on the concept of force but on democratic principles. Jaszi, a nationalities specialist of world-wide reputation, was especially sure of his thesis, the theme of point five. He expected that, according to the concept of self-determination, the nationalities would vote to remain within a democratic Hungarian republic:

In a new Hungary the distinction between the nation and the nationalities would lose its malignant significance. The country would change into a brother]y alliance of equal peoples who would support territorial integrity based on common economic and geographic interests and not on national jealousies.

The proclamation of the National Council concluded by asking foreign governments to recognize the Council as the sole legitimate government of Hungary:

Only the Hungarian National Council can speak or is authorized to deal in the name of the Hungarian nation on whose blood and labor Hungary depends. [38.]

In order to build a reputation as a popular institution, the National Council decided to sponsor a peaceful march to the Royal Palace. On the twenty-fifth of October, the demonstrators aimed to express their wish that the King accept the program of the National Council. The march had a mere symbolic purpose as the King was not in Budapest. The demonstrators left a national banner, donated by Karolyi, flying over the Royal Palace. As the orderly manifestation was ready to leave the palace square, they were dispersed by mounted police. In the clash, forty demonstrators were seriously wounded while some two hundred received lighter injuries. [39.]

Rejected in his bid to power, Karolyi had one last opportunity to acquire power by legal means. He could persuade the Emperor-King personally to appoint him as Prime Minister of Hungary. King Charles, however, refused and instead sent Archduke Joseph to Budapest to rule as homo regius until an acceptable man was found for the post. On October 27, upon his return from Vienna to the Hungarian capital, thousands of people welcomed Karolyi and cheered him as the leader of the now unavoidable revolution. The crowd welcomed him by singing neither the anthem of the Monarchy nor the National Anthem, but the anthem of the revolution: La Marseillaise. [40.] The man who less than two weeks ago warned Parliament of the danger of sans-culottism accepted the support of the masses who favored orderly change. However spurred on by his deep feeling of patriotism, he now saw that only through the recourse of force could he save Hungary from the threatening abyss.

Karolyi and the other members of the National Council proceeded to organize a forceful takeover. An uprising to install the National Council in power was planned for the first of November.

On the morning of October 29, leaders of the Social Democratic Party decided to send agitators to the military barracks of Budapest in order to win the soldiers over to the cause of the National Council. The National Council attempted to do the same. The following morning posters of the Council appeared on the walls of buildings. The content was a proclamation, addressed to the Hungarian soldiers. It claimed that many of the troops had been brought to Budapest for the sole purpose of crushing a "popular movement which demands an immediate cease fire, universal civil rights, bread and freedom." The manifesto called on the soldiers to organize councils and to establish contact with the National Council. proclamation ended with the following words: . . . Do not shed the blood of your fellow citizen ! Do not use your arms if they will send you to quell in blood your brothers and mothers who are fighting for an independent Hungary, for popular rule, for an immediate cease fire! Your place is not on the side of the antiquated system but on ours! Be the soldiers of the National Council. [41.]

The authorities reacted swiftly. On the morning of the appearance of the Manifesto, they ordered the evacuation of the 32nd Infantry Brigade, since it became evident that revolutionary agitation was most fruitful among its soldiers. [42.] On the same afternoon government troops raided the headquarters of the Soldiers' Council. This revolutionary organization had been set up on October 25 by twelve young Hungarian officers of various military units, with the ultimate aim of pressuring the authorities to accept an immediate cease fire. In the next few days, its swelling membership and its support for the National Council came to be recognized as a threat to the morale of the army. But the raid did not accomplish its purpose of arresting the leaders of the Soldiers' Council, for they had been warned in advance by a telephone operator who tapped the conversations of the military authorities. [43.]

On the evening of the thirtieth, the Soldiers, Council reassembled at another location and discussed the events of the day. In the barracks of the 32nd Brigade, the soldiers refused to obey orders which were to send them to the front. For this seditious act the men were promptly disarmed and arrested. This event produced mixed reactions among the Council members. Some officers and sailors favored an immediate call for revolution, arguing that in the event of delay all Magyar troops with revolutionary sympathies would be pulled out of Budapest and would be replaced with reputedly reliable Bosnian troops. Other members of the Council who represented the minority called on the assembly not to act sooner than planned. While the members were debating what should be done, a demonstration took place in front of their assembly building. The demonstrators came to express their solidarity with the harassed leaders. In this stormy situation the crowds and the Council learned that two companies of the 32nd Brigade were being forcibly sent to the front. The Soldiers, Council decided to act. Some of its members led the demonstrators, approximately ten thousand strong, to the Southern Railway Station to free the captive soldiers from the box cars awaiting departure. [44.]

When the demonstrators arrived at the station the guards received orders to disperse them at once. These soldiers refused to obey commands and, instead, some of them handed over their arms and joined the demonstrators. Following the liberation of the two companies, the soldiers led by the officers of the Soldiers' Council and trailed by civilian sympathizers, proceeded to the headquarters of the City Commander. The officers and the soldiers of the crowd tore the Imperial ensigns from their uniforms and replaced them with white frostflowers. This change of symbols baptized the revolution.

At the headquarters, the guards refused to obey the Council officers' plea to open the gates of the fortified building to the rebels who were demanding the arrest of the commander, General Varkonyi. Only after some warning shots from the rebels did they yield. General Varkonyi was arrested and was taken to the Hotel Astoria, the headquarters of the National Council.

Meanwhile, other officers of the Soldiers' Council entered the barracks of the First Infantry Brigade and called upon the officers and enlisted men to join the revolution. Following the successful occupation of the City Command building, the Soldiers' Council ordered the occupation of all important public buildings in the city. These orders were swiftly carried out. The Soldiers' Council took command of the police also. [45.] Other insurgent military groups forced their way into the Army Prison building and freed the imprisoned members of the Soldiers' Council as well as other prisoners. [46.]

This unexpected and unprepared revolution caught the members of the National Council off-guard. The sounds of the revolution filled them with apprehension, as they expected loyal troops of the Austro-Hungarian Army to quell the uprising. Their fear was not without foundation as General Lukachich, commander of these forces, had taken preparatory steps to crush any disturbance. The National Council feared that lack of coordination would cause the defeat of this revolution. Although the Council was aware of the success of revolutionary agitation among the troops and of the general deterioration of discipline, what percentage of the troops would side with the revolution was not clear. Council members were also afraid of the Bosnian troops stationed in Hungary, who would be indifferent to "shedding Magyar blood.,,

The National Council's headquarters at the Hotel Astoria stood virtually without defense. For this reason Mihaly Karolyi and the others were expected to be put under arrest by Lukachich. Their new prisoner, General Varkonyi, intensified their anxiety even more by claiming that he would be liberated at any moment. [47.] The General was believed to be better informed than he in fact was regarding the military situation. Thus, members of the National Council feared to be arrested for a revolution in which they had no part. Professor Ja'szi, a member of the National Council, expressed this belief to his companion, the Socialist Kunfi: "We shall probably all hang at dawn! to which a gloomy 'yes' was the answer." [48.] Nevertheless, the expected attack on the Astoria by Lukachich's troops never came. A few minutes after three a.m. Lukachich telephoned Vienna and informed the King of the initial success of the rebels and asked for orders. In the course of the conversation he explained the hopelessness of the situation. He also reported that his further orders had little chance of being obeyed and asked the King for reinforcements. The King gave no military orders as to how to handle the rebellion. [49.] instead, he asked for information about the safety of his children, who were staying at the town of Godollo, not far from Budapest.

The new Prime Minister, Count Janos Hadik, spoke to the King next. He announced his desire to relinquish his post to which he had been appointed by the King a day earlier. The Count advised Charles to appoint Karolyi to the position. The King at this time accepted Hadik's advice and telephoned the Buda residence of Archduke Joseph, instructing him to initiate negotiations with Karolyi. The archduke in turn called Karolyi, who now knew that he had the upper hand and demanded the immediate withdrawal of loyal troops from the streets to their barracks as a price for negotiations. The homo regius of Charles accepted the terms.

Following a short preliminary parley at the archduke's residence, Karolyi returned to the Astoria with newly gained confidence. He soon departed again to the bureau of the Prime Minister to reopen negotiations with Archduke Joseph and Count Hadik. Karolyi insisted upon being treated not as a member of Parliament ready to form a cabinet, but as the President of the National Council. This meant that the representatives of the King recognized the revolutionary organization as a legal institution of Hungary. While Karolyi was negotiating, the Social Democratic members of the Council decided to call a general strike in order to strengthen Karolyi's position at the parley. The following proclamation was issued by the Social Democratic Party:

Workers, Camarades! The revolution is on!

The selfish class rule forced the country into an unavoidable revolution. In the course of Wednesday night military groups, who decided to join the national council, have occupied without bloodshed the important public buildings of the capital. They took the City Command, the Central Post Office and the Telephone building. These soldiers swore loyalty to the National Council.

Workers!

Now it is your turn!

No doubt the counter-revolution will attempt to regain power. You must show your solidarity with your soldier brothers. To the streets! Stop work! By seven a.m. the building of the Prime Ministry was surrounded by armed soldiers wearing frostflowers on their uniforms and by workers. The victory of the revolution was officially recognized at eight a.m. Archduke Joseph declared to the assembled people the appointment of the President of the National Council as Prime .Minister of Hungary. [50.] The revolution, though virtually a private venture of the Soldier's Council's rebellious young officers, spurred to action by the citizens of Budapest, had succeeded in bringing Karolyi and the National Council to power. Erno Garami, a Social Democrat on the National Council gave the best summary of the role of the Nation Council in the revolution:

We planned, and the masses, mainly those in uniform, acted. [51.]

The victorious revolution seemed to fulfill the requirements for the cessation of conflict according to Wilsonian terms. By the National Council's rise to power, a government was created whose aim was to respond to popular will. Those responsible for the war were eliminated from power. Even the murder of lstvan Tisza on October 31 by some revolutionary soldiers seemed to reflect the popular interpretation of Wilsonism. His death was the death of an individual who symbolized the Old Regime and who was considered personally responsible for Hungary's involvement in the war. His murder by the "general will,' became a ritual which was thought to have cleansed the nation of all its guilt.

Karolyi in power fulfilled Wilson's second precondition for peace. His staunch Germanophobia meant the end of German-Hungarian cooperation and precluded the possibility of rapprochement in the near future. By fulfilling the requirements for peace, supporters of the revolution and the government looked forward to a friendly and close relationship with the victorious Allies.

Peter Pastor: Hungary Between Wilson and Lenin...