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Regicide at Marseille |
A few days after the murder of King Alexander, the Journal de Geneve (October 12) mused in a melancholy mood: "Much killing is going on in Europe and all the victims stood on the same side of the barricades." In fact, it was not the tyrants and corrupt politicians but decent leaders who were killed in those months: the Rumanian Duca, the Austrian Dollfuss, who both stood for independence and freedom against simultaneous assaults by the totalitarian forces on the Right and on the Left. Also the victims of the Marseille plot, King Alexander and Louis Barthou, had been champions of a patriotic order. In the same vein, the Swiss paper further complained that "there is a constant menace of violence in Europe because of the barbaric morale resulting from the bad European situation." The traditional sound order of Europe was already being squeezed in the pincers of ruthless Naziism and Communism.
The shock caused by the double murder of Marseille was equally profound in Yugoslavia and in France. The "Cavalier" King was respected and even popular among the Serbs, for he was strong and brave and his people felt secure that Serbian hegemony over the heterogeneous new populations of the vastly expanded Kingdom would be upheld under his firm guidance. His prestige was enhanced by connections with European dynasties: Queen Marie of Yugoslavia was the sister of King Carol of Rumania, also a great-granddaughter of Queen Victoria of England and of Tsar Alexander II. King Alexander I was closely related to Princess Marina, who was then engaged to Prince George of England. His eleven-year-old son, Peter, was going to school in England, which also was in his favor. Peter was proclaimed the King of all the Yugoslavs under the tutelage of a Regency composed of three persons, among whom Prince Paul became the uncontested leader.
The loss of the King, who seemed irreplaceable, plunged the Yugoslav regime into deep mourning. Belgrade was grimly determined to exercise righteous retribution against whoever was implicated in the crime. The simple people in the old Kingdom of Serbia displayed pathetic signs of sympathy and grief for their King and his dramatic
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demise. Fifteen thousand wreaths, hundreds of them made of silver and even gold from all over the country, lent Oriental pomp to the military funeral at the end of October, at Oplenac, in the mausoleum of the Karageorgevitch dynasty. From Kossovo Polje, the historic battlefield of the Balkans, a huge branch of a pine tree was brought by peasants which had been planted by Emperor Dushan the Great, in the fourteenth century.
Of course, some crocodile tears were also shed - as is in style at the bier of a Monarch. The shoe-thumping era of Nikita Khrushchev had not yet dawned on the international world. The Yugoslav destroyer, "Dubrovnik," carrying back from Marseille the body of King Alexander, had been escorted ceremoniously across the Straights of Messina by an Italian fleet. The British press gave much publicity to this Italian geste, not only because courtesy is generally appreciated by the British, but mainly because it was interpreted as evidence of the Italian desire to avoid a break in Italian-Yugoslav relations.
The French reaction to the murder of their Minister of Foreign Affairs was what could be regarded as standard under circumstances existing then in France. Louis Barthou, a respected member of the French Academy, had been the most often appointed minister in the frequently changing cabinets. A state funeral in distinguished style was arranged for the prominent patriot, with lugubrious pomp and classical orations, while pandemonium broke out in political circles and in the press, with harsh accusations directed, as habitual, against the "inept regime." At first, the Marseille police were held responsible for Barthou's death, which could have been prevented, if his wounded arm had been tied tightly in order to avoid the fatal hemorrhage. But no aid could be brought to Barthou, so dense was the crowd gathered around him. Then, shortly, the entire French police system was bitterly accused of disintegration - not without some justification.
For the Marseille case coincided with a protracted scandal which had stirred up the worst political crisis since the founding of the Third French Republic. 1934 was the year, when the Russian-born manager of a pawnshop, an international adventurer, Alexander Stavisky, disappeared with bonds amounting to 25 million francs. He was found dead later in a villa near Chamonix. He had been enjoying police "protection" and the police reported suicide, but rumors held that he was shot by the police to prevent him from disclosing the names of his
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influential accomplices. Shortly, the body of Judge Albert Prince, who led the investigation, was also found, dead, beside a railway track. The judge was known to have unearthed dangerous information on the political background of Stavisky's frauds. It was openly charged in the press that the honest judge was eliminated by the influential political Maffia. Stirred into action by their keen sense of justice, by their general dislike of government, and also for the sake of excitement, the Parisian people descended upon the Police. During the ensuing riots, they stormed the Palais Bourbon which houses the Chamber of Deputies. On that day -February 7th - I was apprised by an indignant matron in the rioting crowd that "the situation in France has become intolerable: the policemen and the assassins are the same persons!" A new investigation did uncover secret connections of Stavisky with a number of persons in high places, some of whom took refuge in suicide. But to the present day, this affair remains shrouded in darkness.
French tempers were rising again in October, because of the failure of the Security System in Marseille. Wholesome indignation forced Albert Sarraut, the most unpopular Minister of the Interior, and Mr. Berthoin, the Director of National Security, to resign. The Stavisky scandal had swept two governments already, out of office, the ephemeral Cabinets of Chautemps and of Daladier, succeeded by the dignified Mr. Doumergue, a former President of the Republic. His high authority, however, which normally might have improved conditions, was resented by the Communist Party. which felt that instability was a prerequisite for the formation of a Popular Front government and the coveted Communist participation in it. As a first step toward their goal, they called a general strike of the workers against Doumergue, who - they alleged - was setting up a "Fascist dictatorship." But the strike turned out to be abortive, and Rightist organizations: the Croix de Feu, the Young Patriots, and a new Rightist Party, the Common Front, reacted with growing vehemence against the Leftists. During Mr. Doumergue's entire tenure of office, they were clashing with the rioting mobs. The assault against the traditional European order by the two totalitarian aggressors had hit France badly and was destroying her internal stability. Chaos drove the prices high and this trend almost excluded French goods from the world market, causing unemployment. On November 8, 1934, because of general loss of confidence, the impeccable
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Prime Minister, Doumergue, resigned in the midst of a European crisis unfolding then, as a consequence of the Marseille murders.
With this distraught French situation for his background, Barthou bad been trying vainly to promote Italian-Yugoslav rapprochement. The tenacious Minister of Foreign Affairs had to realize how hard it was to cultivate at the same time two friends who were fighting among themselves. On the other hand, Hitler's scheming for "living space," openly advocated, made the Fuebrer's isolation appear as the proper answer to his policy of expansion. In almost all of Europe, a French-Italian Entente which would lastingly separate the Duce from the Fuehrer, was considered as a most desirable development, so much in the general interest that no eventual Yugoslav caprice should be allowed to compromise that constructive policy. The crime perpetrated at Marseille dispelled recklessly this bappy dream; unexpectedly, it not only wiped out Barthou, the mastermind behind the planned alliance with Italy, but also jeopardized the new European political concept. Any involvement of Italy in the murder plot would cause an instantaneous break of Yugoslav relations with Italy-maybe even war; it certainly would force France to move away from her recent policy of seeking closer ties with Italy; it might push Mussolini into the arms of Hitler.
Obviously, a scapegoat had to be found to be chastised, in order to give satisfaction to the Yugoslavs' rightful demand for justice - after all, their King had been killed! Whatever the truth may be, Mussolini had to be spared, or else a dangerous wedge would be driven between Italy and the French-Little Entente Alliance. It became urgent to set up a well-selected target for Yugoslav indignation, since in Belgrade anti-Italian demonstrations had started spontaneously, and two days after the King's murder the Italian Consulate was stoned in Sarajevo.
The first phase of the investigation did not produce evidence helpful for this kind of political scheming. On the spot, in Marseille, it was carried out by Alexandre Guibbal, the Director of the Surete Nationale of that town. At the request of the French authorities, high officials of the Yugoslav Police participated from the very beginning in the work of the French Police, directed in the Paris Ministry of the Interior by Mr. Pierre Mondanel, General Controller of the Criminal Police. The findings of the initial investigation were objectively summed up at a
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press conference held in Geneva on October 13th, by Mr. Dimitrievitch,
a Yugoslav Police Inspector. He named Ante Pavelitch, the Chief of the revolutionary Croat Ustasha organization, who lived in Italy, as the instigator of the crime. He also named the murderer, a Bulgarian. and two Croat accomplices. The latter two: Pospisil and Rajic had spent some time in Hungary, at Jankapuszta, a farm housing Croat refugees. Here, they had received Hungarian passports, were then sent to Zurich, Switzerland, and thence to Lausanne where their Hungarian passports were taken and replaced by Czechoslovak passports. No authority, or person of Hungarian nationality seemed to have been involved in these proceedings.
The fabricators of the forged Czechoslovak passports betrayed a morbid sense of humor. One passport was made out for Mr. Benes, the well known Czechoslovak Minister of Foreign Affairs, and the other one for Mr. Novak, the Police Commissioner who used to escort Mr. Benes during his travels, but the photographs were those of Pospisil and Rajic. In the record of the murderer, using the alias of "Kelemen," there was found no trace whatsoever that would connect him with Hungary. He was later identified as Welitchko Kerin-Dimitrov, a Bulgarian from Macedonia who had never been in Hungary. He had been a member of JMRO, the Bulgarian-Macedonian revolutionary organization led by Vancho Michaelev. On his badly mangled body the Marseille Police found tattooed the sinister emblem of the JMRO: a skull placed on two crossed shinbones. He was a professional killer and King Alexander was not his first victim.
On October 15th, Mr. Pierre Laval was appointed Minister of Foreign Affairs in France. He took over not only Barthou's office, but also his bifacial policy, radiating warmth toward the Yugoslavs and also toward their foes, the Italians. He seemed to have stepped into Mr. Barthou's shoes with a ready-made formula in his mind - how to solve the annoying impasse caused in French plans by King Alexander's murder. On the day of his inauguration, a terse communique in the semi-official "Le Temps" pointed a finger at his choice, the nation which was to fill the role of the villain. "The existence of a vast plot is certain" - it read - "It is just as certain that the terrorists received aid from certain countries. Hungary holds top rank among those countries." This script for the drama to be performed at Geneva was as shrewd as it was short and it was loaded with cynical innuendoes.
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Laval could not exonerate, as yet, Italy, for the Duce might refuse to play ball. So, "countries," in the plural, were accused of having aided the terrorists, among whom Italy might be included later. Hungary, however, was offered definitely as a scapegoat, on whom all the blame could be heaped - if convenient. Furthermore, preceding a final stand by France, some questions would have to be answered. Would Yugoslavia accept such substitution? Would Italy throw Hungary, her partner in the Pact of Rome, to the wolves? And finally, could defenseless Hungary herself - although mutilated, disarmed by the Trianon Peace Treaty, and cornered by the fully armed Little Entente - be intimidated to an extent where she would acquiesce in her condemnation for an international crime she had not committed? It became my duty to provide the answer to this question.
Unable to distinguish what was right from what was expedient, the efficient Mr. Laval urgently went to work, for fear the Yugoslavs might run out of patience. To tighten the noose around Hungary's neck, he needed the cooperation of the Little Entente (which encircled Hungary). Mr. Benes, subservient to France, was the first Foreign Minister to respond to Laval's summons. On October 17th, an official French communique stated that "at a long and cordial meeting in Paris, the two Ministers stated the perfect identity of the French and Czechoslovak governments' views concerning their foreign policies." The problem which required this consultation was the Yugoslav demand for severe punishment of all those responsible for the murder of their King. The identity of views emphasized in the communique was reached by agreeing that Hungary should become the scapegoat.
The agile Mr. Benes surpassed himself on this welcome occasion in lining up promptly his colleagues for concerted action against Hungary. Two days later, on October 19th, he turned up in Belgrade, where, after a conference with King Carol of Rumania and an audience by Prince Paul, the Yugoslav Regent, the three Little Entente Foreign Ministers met at a conference, followed in the evening by a meeting of the Balkan Entente. They published separately, identical and cautiously worded communiques asserting their determination "to collaborate for peace" and to establish a front against terrorist activities which had thrown Europe into a bloody turmoil and were now threatening grave conflicts.
These texts followed Laval's line, except that Hungary was not
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mentioned. She could not be named, for meanwhile a hitch bad developed. As often happens to plotters, they had not plugged one loophole, and facts had leaked out which destroyed the explosive material that the French and, more bluntly, the Czechoslovak papers (not yet the Yugoslavs!) tried to light into a blazing bonfire. On October 18, the "Lidove Listy" came out in Prague with the headline: "Not the Croats, the Hungarians Committed the Murder" and Lidove Noviny," also the "Ceske Slovo," wrote on that day in the same provoking style. They could not influence, however, the important meeting in Belgrade the next day, for the French judge in charge of the investigation did not seem to know that Hungary had to be besmirched. Innocently, he gave the information to the press that two Croat accomplices of the Bulgarian murderer, who had stayed some time in Hungary at Jankapuszta (Pospisil and Rajic) had admitted that they had been recruited for the murder by the Pavelitch organization; that while in Hungary they knew nothing of the plan to kill the King; and that even "after having arrived in Lausanne, they still were unaware of the purpose of their mission." Pospisil added: "I and my companion were completely ignorant of what we were expected to do in Paris. If I had known that it the King, I would have obeyed the orders of the organization." The two Ustashis obviously told the truth; they admitted their share in the crime and did not try to exonerate themselves. The Journal de Geneve, an honest paper in a decent country, wrote thereupon (October 19): "Up to now, no evidence whatsoever has been produced that any government, and in particular the Hungarian government, would be implicated in the murder plot. . . . Some are taking the wrong road or just intend to excite thereby public opinion." In the opening round of the contest, Mr. Benes failed to score. From then on, he considered it his personal job to produce damning evidence against Hungary which would destroy her international standing and good name.
With the Little Entente tightly harnessed to his chariot, Mr. Laval, whose determination was not weakened by minor mishaps, felt confident that the oncoming tempest could be diverted in the direction of Hungary. He was now ready to offer Mussolini the guaranty that the Yugoslavs would not raise any accusation against him in connection with the Marseille crime. The French press reported that on October 19, Laval declared at the meeting of the Cabinet that "a loyal and
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complete agreement with Italy is an indispensable condition of the consolidation of peace in Europe and of the restoration of an atmosphere of collaboration among the powers." Having cast the bait to catch Mussolini by reserving for him a prominent place in the European Club, Laval told the press that his visit to Rome had become urgent.
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Regicide at Marseille |