Richard Lettis: The Hungarian Revolt

INTERVIEWS WITH STUDENTS

VIENNA
The student demonstrations were planned not on Tuesday, but on Monday night, October 22, in the collegium of the Polytechnic Institute, in the King's Castle in Buda. A student who took part gave me the following account:-"After dinner on Monday night, the 1,500 students in our collegium were suddenly called to a meeting in the hall. The Army colonel who lived above us in the King's Castle and taught military science at the Polytechnic Institute told us that a demonstration was being planned for the following day. We were to demonstrate our sympathy for Poland through a march to the statue of Josef Bem -the Polish general who led the Hungarians during the revolution of 1848. This was to be our symbol of protest against the present Government."
The student said it was a long and controversial meeting, and lasted until 1 a.m. Together with the colonel, the students framed 14 demands, which the mass student demonstration was to submit to the Government. At first the demands were moderate, but as the meeting progressed they became more radical. The first five finally emerged as frankly political demands. They called for:-
(1) A central congress of the Communist Party to elect a new leadership; (2) Imre Nagy to replace Hegedus as Premier; (3) continued friendship with the Soviet Union, but on a new basis; (4) withdrawal of Soviet troops from Hungary; (5) the holding of free elections.
Some of the rest dealt with economic questions, and the others concerned the re-establishment of academic freedom in Hungary.
During the night these demands were printed by the Polytechnic students for distribution at the mass meeting in the university park on the following day. Also, all cars passing the park were stopped and the passengers handed copies.
The same student, who was corroborated by others, told me about the course the meeting took on Tuesday: -"It commenced about noon. About 1,500 were present, including the officer candidates from the Military Technical Academy. This military participation was particularly noticeable, and the crowd grew rapidly as student delegations from the law, agricultural, and medical faculties in other parts of the city arrived. Several workers' delegations from factories nearby in Buda also took part.
"The same colonel presided over the meeting, and was assisted by professors and student leaders. He began by saying that the Minister of the Interior had refused permission for a request to demonstrate, and suggested we send a delegation now to get that permission...
"A group of 10 professors, students, and a few workers was dispatched at 2.15, but returned in half an hour without having succeeded. They brought instead the Assistant Minister of the Interior, who began to address us with the usual empty words. We whistled and shouted, and the colonel joined in ridiculing him. Finally, we voted to demonstrate anyway, and at 3 p.m. we began our march along the bank of the Danube."
From this point onwards, the initial organisation began to be superseded by the weight of outsiders joining the procession. Another of the participants told me: -"I am sure they wanted us to demonstrate for reforms of the regime, not for its overthrow. When this began to happen we were branded 'counter-revolutionaries.' However, once it began, there was no stopping.
"Just as we left the university park word passed around that the bulk of the medical students were demonstrating across the river at the monument to Petofi -the Hungarian national poet- [56/57]

hero of the revolution of 1848. We decided we would join them after our demonstration."
Most of these students got no farther than the Parliament building, for by the time they swarmed into Kossuth Square there was already a large crowd of students and others assembled. Some merged with the crowd in calling for Imre Nagy, others continued on to the Petofi Monument, others dispersed to different parts of the city to demonstrate, and still others went back to the university. All semblance of unified organisation disappeared.
When Mr. Nagy finally did appear on the Parliament steps, he left the crowd unsatisfied by his guarded remarks. As one student said to me: "He was only a private citizen now, and was afraid to answer our demands because of Gero . . . At the same time, we did not push our demands for the removal of Premier Hegedus in favour of Nagy, for fear of armed intervention by the Government."
A 17-year-old girl who studied at the electrical technical school in Budapest spoke of her aims that afternoon: "I joined the crowd in front of the Parliament at 4.30 that afternoon. For weeks we had been talking about reforms -at first educational, and then more and more political and economic. We were peaceful. We only wanted to better the lot of the students. No one thought it would end in revolution. We sang our national anthem and then put out the Red Star which shone on the top of the Parliament."
In the disordered events which ensued, the riots on front of the radio station that evening mark a decisive turn in the road from protest to outright revolt. After it became known that the station was crowded with AVH men and that the director had refused permission to a student delegation to broadcast their expanded demands, the station became a central rallying point for all the separate demonstrations throughout the city...
Workers who had finished for the day, students, and, generally, civilians of all types pushed their way through the streets. Trucks were used to transport people from all over the city to the station, the simple call "to the radio station" being enough to jam the empty trucks with willing demonstrators.
A young architect who responded to the call, and who subsequently became my interpreter and guide among his fellow Hungarian exiles, described the scene as follows: -"By 10 p.m. the people, by their sheer weight, were pushing in the doors of thc station. At first the AVH tried to disperse us with tear-gas, and then to keep us away by a united charge with bayoneted rifles held crossways. We resisted by tripping and kicking them. Then, for fear of their lives, they began shooting. It was terrible -innocent people were killed because they could not move in the crowd. It was the last blow.
"Some of the people had small sporting rifles which they had taken from the officers of Mohosz -the Hungarian Voluntary Defense Federation, a military sports organisation sponsored by the Communist Party. They returned the AVH fire as best they could.
"Then two trucks of soldiers arrived from Buda across the river, but neither officers nor soldiers fired on the people. No order was given, and the soldiers remained in the trucks. They began slipping their guns over the side of the trucks into our outstretched hands.
"I took a machine-gun and began firing it at the AVH in the station windows. By 11 a.m. the next day the crowd had occupied the radio station but it was totally destroyed by then."
So, revolution and bloodshed began in earnest. What had commenced as an organised student demonstration for reform of the regime snowballed in a matter of hours into a mass revolt against the system itself. All participants with whom I talked agreed that the sympathy of the Army was never in doubt. The young architect, who spent the next six days on the rooftops against the AVH, put it this way: -"Some Army units, especially their officers who were revolutionary at heart, wanted to remain neutral at first, for they feared we could not succeed. Such hesitation could not last, however, for they hated Communism -and the AVH particularly- as much as we. By Wednesday morning the Government had to call for Soviet help, for all its internal supports - except the hated AVH-had collapsed."
George Sherman, The Observer (London), 11 November [57/58]

24 October

TANKS, JETS

NICKELSDORF
Travellers reaching this Austrian border town said that heavy artillery was in operation and several Budapest buildings were burning when they left the Hungarian capital today. Tanks were reported to have ringed Budapest along a perimeter 25 miles outside the capital and there were said to be at least 350 persons dead, including soldiers. [58/59]

The travellers said Hungarian police and troops did not appear to be taking any action against the rioters, but were looking on the scene with detachment. Most of the soldiers had torn off the Corn munist badges from their caps. An Austrian eyewitness of the rising said:
"I woke up this morning to the sound of machine-gun fire and explosions which sounded like artillery. The trams weren't running. The fighting was taking place along the Korut and Voeroes Boulevards, and most of the side streets were blocked by tanks. Early in the morning a large number of jet fighters flew over and repeatedly opened fire at groups of civilians who were demonstrating. I couldn't see whether the fighters were Russian or Hungarian.
"When I left the city by car at noon I saw a great number of dead soldiers and civilians on the streets. Driving was extremely dangerous since shooting was still going on. . .
Reuters and United Press International, 25 October

NAGY: "CEASE FIGHTING!"

BUDAPEST
Here is Imre Nagy [noon]:
People of Budapest, I announce that all those who cease fighting before 14.00 to-day, and lay down their arms in the interest of avoiding further bloodshed, will be exempted from martial law. At the same time I state that as soon as possible and by all the means at our disposal, we shall realise, on the basis of the June 1953 Government program which I expounded in Parliament at that time, the systematic democratization of our country in every sphere of Party, State, political and economic life. Heed our appeal! Cease fighting, and secure the restoration of calm and order in the interest of the future of our people and nation. Return to peaceful and creative work!
Hungarians, Comrades, my friends! I speak to you in a moment filled with responsibility. As you know, on the basis of the confidence of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Workers' Party and the Presidential Council, I have taken over the leadership of the Government as Chairman of the Council of Ministers. Every possibility exists for the Government to realise my political program by relying on the Hungarian people under the leadership of the Communists. The essence of this program, as you know, is the far-reaching democratization of Hungarian public life, the realisation of a Hungarian road to socialism in accord with our own national characteristics, and the realisation of our lofty national aim: the radical improvement of the workers' living conditions.
However, in order to begin this work -together with you- the first necessity is to establish order, discipline and calm. The hostile elements that joined the ranks of peacefully demonstrating Hungarian youth, misled many well-meaning workers and turned against the people's democracy, against the power of the people. The paramount task facing everyone now is the urgent consolidation of our position. Afterwards, we shall be able to discuss every question, since the Government and the majority of the Hungarian people want the same thing. In referring to our great common responsibility for our national existence, I appeal to you, to every man, woman, youth, worker, peasant, and intellectual to stand fast and keep calm; resist provocation, help restore order, and assist our forces in maintaining order. Together we must prevent bloodshed, and we must not let this sacred national program be soiled by blood.
The Hungarian Government is preparing for peaceful and creative work. The Government is determined not to allow itself to be diverted from the road of democratisation, from realising a program [59/61]

corresponding with the interests of the Hungarian people and discussed with the broad masses of the people. We do not want to pursue a policy of revenge but of reconciliation. For this reason the Government has decided that all those who voluntarily and immediately lay down arms and cease fighting will not be subjected to summary prosecution, as is the case with groups which have so far surrendered.
Workers! Defend the factories and machines. This is your own treasure. He who destroys or loots harms the entire nation. Order, calm, discipline -these are now the slogans; they come before everything else.
Friends! Hungarians! I will soon announce in detail the program of the Government, and it will be debated in the National Assembly which will meet soon. Our future is at stake. Before us lies the great road of raising our national standards. Line up behind the Government. Ensure peace, the continuation of peaceful and creative labour, so that every worker of our country can work undisturbed for his own and his family's future. Stand behind the Party, stand behind the Government! Trust that we have learned from the mistakes of the past, and that we shall find the correct road for the prosperity of our country. . .
Radio Kossuth [61/62]

MOSCOW'S FIRST REACTION

BUDAPEST
Late in the evening of October 23 underground reactionary organizations attempted to start a counter-revolutionary revolt against the people's regime in Budapest.
This enemy adventure had obviously been in preparation for some time. The forces of foreign reaction have been systematically inciting anti-democratic elements for action against the lawful authority.
Enemy elements made use of the student demonstration that took place on 23 October to bring out into the streets groups previously prepared by them, to form the nucleus of the revolt. They sent agitators into action who created confusion and tried to provoke mass disorder.
A number of governmental buildings and public enterprises were attacked. The fascist thugs who let themselves go began to loot shops, break windows in houses and institutions, and tried to destroy the equipment of industrial enterprises. Groups of rebels who succeeded in getting hold of arms caused bloodshed in a number of places.
The forces of revolutionary order began to repel the rebels. On orders of the reappointed Premier Imre Nagy martial law was declared in the city.
The Hungarian Government asked the USSR Government for help. In accordance with this request, Soviet military units, which are in Hungary under the terms of the Warsaw treaty, helped troops of the Hungarian Republic to restore order in Budapest. In many industrial enterprises workers offered armed resistance to the bandits who tried to damage and destroy equipment and to mount armed guards.
By the end of the day on 24th October the enemy adventure was liquidated. Order was restored in Budapest. Speaking on 24th October over the radio, the Chairman of the Council of Ministers Imre Nagy called on the whole people to maintain calm and order.
The attempts of the counter-revolutionaries to find supporters in Debrecen and some other towns met with no success.
The Central Committee of the Hungarian Workers' Party and the Government are receiving telegrams from all parts of the country in which Hungarian workers express their wrathful indignation at the criminal action of the counter revolutionaries and assure the Party and Government of their readiness to defend staunchly the people's democratic regime against any enemy attempts and to strengthen friendship with the Soviet Union and with all Socialist countries.
Tass (Moscow), 24 October [62/64]

"LIES"

BUDAPEST
I learned about the dramatic meetings of the Central Committee from a very good source . . . At the first one none of the new members of the CC participated, neither Imre Nagy (who had been asked to take part) nor Geza Losonczy or the others . . . So this first session was dominated by the purest Stalinist spirit. Not without some protests, Gero had pushed through the appeal to Soviet troops and the proclamation of martial law.
The extent to which he acted on his own initiative, or on orders, is an open question. In any case, with Machiavellian cunning, Gero and his [64/65]

"friends" decided at the same time to hang on Nagy the office of Prime-Minister in order to discredit him from the beginning.
Later in the night, the Central Committee met again in a second session with Nagy and his friends now attending. While the AVO was firing murderous salvos in the crowds, they carried on a confused discussion. The Gero-clique, still a majority, insisted that Nagy include reliable Stalinists in his government. The debate soon became turbulent and Kadar supported Nagy, whom he later would replace. But Nagy still remained a kind of hostage. Nothing clear or definite came out of the discussion, and the hastily adopted final resolution carried a Rakosi stamp.
When news spread about the Soviet intervention, most of our older friends, particularly those with some political experience, were convinced that all resistance would be useless from now on. What could unarmed Hungarian students and workers do against Russian armed force? "Foreign arms arriving by parachute" existed only in the imagination of Soviet propagandists.
During the night of 24 October, the offices of the Hungarian News Agency on Nap Hill had the appearance of a besieged building. Blankets camouflaged the windows. Everywhere there were bottles wrapped in rags. The editors sat under their desks, still arguing fiercely. "How could Nagy have appealed to the Russians?" "Had he really?" The short declaration he made on the radio had seemed peculiar; his voice seemed to show nervousness; there was something wrong somewhere.
The first thing we did was to decide to stop giving the radio any service; it just kept on spreading lies. On the other hand, we tried the impossible, to inform Imre Nagy about the actual situation in the country, just as our correspondents in the provinces reported it hour by hour.
In Rakosi's Hungary, the political and economic leaders of the country -all told about 200 persons- had a special telephone network which wasn't tied up with Central. Through this secret line, the "K line" as it was called, we tried to reach Imre Nagy. It was impossible. The Prime-Minister's special line was controlled by the Stalinists. Then we tried to contact Kadar. Another failure. A female voice answered for him, and when we told her that in the Miskolc region the AVO slaughtered a crowd, she exclaimed, "Lies!" and hung up.
Only on the following morning were we able to get a connection with a Minister. As a matter of fact, he called us. It was Kossa, one of the Government's Stalinists. He scolded us bitterly for one of our items announcing that in Debrecen a revolutionary committee had taken power and was absolute master of the situation. Even at this moment the Stalinists expected others to lie and were still lying to themselves. . .
Dezso Kosok, Franc-Tireur (Paris), 18 December

"AN ATMOSPHERE OF REVOLUTION"

BUDAPEST
On Wednesday, from early morning until nightfall, an atmosphere of revolution reigned over the city.
Tanks were rattling through the streets along with trucks with steel-helmeted soldiers armed with sub-machine guns. There were overturned cars and barricades.
The question that puzzled both the demonstrators and Western observers was on whose side the Hungarian Army stood. Some signs indicated that the soldiers were on the demonstrators' side. A column of tanks roared along the Budapest [?] Boulevard toward the besieged radio building. The crowd cheered enthusiastically and the crew of the tanks waved back, with national flags unfolded on their turrets. Many young Hungarians were given a ride on the top of, the tanks.
It appeared the army either sided with the youth or remained neutral. The tanks and trucks drove into the narrow streets surrounding the radio building, site of the fighting between the youths and unarmed A.V.H.-soldiers earlier that evening. They stopped there but did not seem to interfere in what happened. The streets around the radio building appeared to be a battlefield. Streets and doorways were packed with young demonstrators, including many women, cursing the A.V.H. and hailing the army. Opposite the building an army passenger car was burning. About a dozen of the youth leaders climbed the first floor balcony of the radio station with a huge Hungarian flag and [65/66] remained there while the windows of the second and third floors were packed with uniformed A.V.H. soldiers. All windows of the building had been smashed earlier.
While I was there between 11 p.m. and midnight the A.V.H. refrained from harsher methods and only a few tear gas bombs were thrown occasionally. But many young men on the street showed submachine gun bullets to Western newsmen. Many told contradictory stories of earlier fighting around the building. How the fighting actually started is still a mystery. But it is safe to assume that the crowd either wanted to occupy the radio station or became enraged when a delegation that had entered was apparently prevented from returning. "Yes, we want to get in and tell the world the truth over the air," a young woman told me with tears running down her cheeks. The tears rolled because of tear gas bombs. While a car was burning and a machine gun was rattling, the crowd shouted abuse at the A.V.H. and cheered the soldiers . . . On some corners the mob took over complete control, especially as no policemen or soldiers or A.V.H. men were to be seen, except the troop concentrations around the radio building. There were also primitive barricades of overturned benches and roadblocks on Stalin Road, and neighboring streets. At a corner of Stalin Road a huge government passenger car had been overturned and used as a roadblock.
About 2 o'clock in the morning I made a last stroll in the city.
Most of the young people I talked with maintained that the overwhelming majority of the soldiers supported them in one way or another. There were, for instance, reports that the students and other elements got their sub-machine guns and ammunition from the soldiers.
On Wednesday, when the Government announced that it had to call in Soviet troops because it was "not prepared," the revolution of the previous night changed into war. It is understood that the Soviet soldiers moved into the town at 4 o'clock in the morning. A printed leaflet that was pushed into my hand Tuesday night said among other things that eight Hungarians, including an army major and an army captain, were killed in the battle for the radio building. The official version broadcast Wednesday said the A.V.H. had opened fire only when eight of their men had been killed. The broadcast stressed, more and more emphatically, that it was counter-revolutionary elements, fascists, and the like, that did the fighting against the soldiers and A.V.H. men, aiming at the overthrow of the regime. . .
Endre Marton, Associated Press, 25 October By permission. [66/67]

THE CRADLE WILL ROCK

BUDAPEST
The workers of the Csepel Works have sent us the following letter: " Dear Comrade, the workers of the Csepel Iron and Metallurgical Works profoundly denounce the reactionary attack. . . Our workers disarmed the provocateurs and chased them out . . . Fellow-workers! Hungarian mothers and fathers! Call back your children so that this unnecessary bloodshed can be stopped!" .
Young intellectuals, Hungarian students! We appeal to you in the tragic hours, in the difficult situation of our nation, in the name of the Petofi Circle.
Fellow-sportsmen, dear friends! Allow me to convey in these grave hours the sentiments and thoughts of the entire Hungarian sporting community, the outstanding sportsmen preparing for the Olympic Games, and the members of the Hungarian international football team. We know each other well, as we have always been together whenever Hungarian sportsmen and women have competed for the glory of the Hungarian tricolor.
The honour of our country and a great many future successes of our sportsmen are now at stake. We do not want to shed one another's blood; we want to create a better and happier life for Hungarian youth. Our sports life stands on the threshold of gigantic tests. How uplifting it would be, and how happy we should feel if the Hungarian national flag were again to be hoisted on the mast of victory in Melbourne! ...
Jozsef Groesz, Archbishop of Kalocsa, has made the following statement in connection with the shocking events in Budapest: 'The attitude of the Catholic Church is open and clear. We condemn massacre and destruction. Members of our flock know this. I therefore hope confidently that believers will not take part in such activities. Set an example . . .
The parents of Laszlo [last name unintelligible], 17-year-old, have been notified that their son is taking part in the fighting. His mother has had a nervous breakdown. If he wishes to see his mother alive he should go home immediately.
Sorry, but the Children's Hour has been cancelled. Do not be angry, children, that you have to go to sleep tonight without your bed-time stories.
Radio Kossuth

KADAR: "WITH BURNING ANGER"

BUDAPEST
Workers, comrades! The demonstration of university youth, which began with the formulation of, on the whole, acceptable demands, has swiftly degenerated into a demonstration against our democratic order; and under the cover of this demonstration an armed attack has broken out. It is only with burning anger that we can speak of this attack by counter-revolutionary reactionary elements against the capital of our country, against our people's democratic order and the power of the working class. Towards the rebels who have risen with arms in their hands against the legal order of our People's Republic, the Central Committee of our Party and our Government have adopted the only correct attitude: only surrender or complete defeat can await those who stubbornly continue their murderous, and at the same time completely hopeless, fight against the order of our working people.
At the same time we are aware that the provocateurs, going into the fight surreptitiously, have been using as cover many people who went astray in the hours of chaos; and especially many young people whom we cannot regard as the conscious enemies of our regime. Accordingly, now that we have reached the stage of liquidating the hostile attack, and with a view to avoiding further bloodshed, we have offered and are offering to those misguided individuals who are willing to surrender on demand, the opportunity of saving their lives and their future, and of returning to the camp of honest people. [67/68]

The fight is being waged chiefly by the most loyal units of our People's Army, by the members of our internal security forces and police, who are displaying heroic courage, and by former partisans with the help of our brothers and allies, the Soviet soldiers. Yet this fight is at the same time a political fight in which our Party and our working class constitute the major force.
Janos Kadar, Radio Kossuth (20:45)

"WELCOME WITH AFFECTION"

BUDAPEST
Several listeners here turned to us with the question, "explain under what conditions and with what task did the Soviet units come to Budapest?" We will answer our listeners' question as follows: These Soviet units are stationed in Hungary in accordance with the Warsaw Pact. On Tuesday, the enemies of our people turned the demonstration of university youth into an organized counter-revolutionary provocation; with their armed attacks they endangered order and threatened the life of the people throughout the country. Conscious of its responsibility and to restore order and security, the Hungarian government requested that Soviet troops help to control the murderous attacks of counter-revolutionary bands. These Soviet soldiers are risking their lives in order to defend the peaceful population in our capital and the peace of our nation.
After order is restored, the Soviet troops will return to their bases. Workers of Budapest! Welcome with affection our friends and allies!
Radio Kossuth

THE PROLETARIAT

VIENNA
The workers, as a distinct, unified, social force, did not make their weight felt until Wednesday. They mingled in the demonstrations and riots on the Tuesday night, but during that day most had stayed in the factories -unaware of what was happening.
A 28-year-old refugee who had fought alongside these workers tersely summed up their role in the revolution: "The young workers were the power of the revolution. The students began it, but when it developed they did not have the numbers or the ability to fight as hard as those young workers."
A 21-year-old worker in the huge United Electric factory in Ujpest -an industrial suburb of Budapest- described how his factory joined the revolt:
"On Tuesday we worked, but we talked as we worked. We talked about wages, about the results of the writers' meeting. We had printed copies, and knew what they meant when they said it was impossible to go on in this way. We could not live on what we got from our work. After work we saw the students demonstrating, and joined in."
"On Wednesday morning the revolt began in our factory. It was unorganised and spontaneous. If it had been organ ised, the A.V.H. would have known and stopped it before it started. The young workers led the way and everyone followed them."
He paused, and then added thoughtfully: "Yes, it was the young workers who made the revolution against Communism -the workers on whom the whole system was supposed to be based."
Then he continued his description of what happened that morning: "We usually began work at 7 a.m. Those of us who came by train from outlying districts waited in the factory as usual for the other workers to arrive. Just before 7 a.m. a truck filled with young workers with arms arrived at the gate. When one began to shoot at the red star on top of the factory a member of the management gave orders for the doors to be closed.
"We were now divided into two groups -those inside and those outside. We who were inside broke into the Mohosz office and took the sporting rifles. A Communist woman leader tried to stop us by putting a guard over the rifles. It was no good, everyone, including the foremen, was united. With the guns we broke out of the factory and everyone marched into the city.
"When we first acted, we had no communication with anyone. We were not in touch with other factories. But as we marched, more and more workers joined us, some with arms. On the corner of Rakoczi street, a university student began to organise us into small groups and instruct us in the slogans to shout. Then we marched to the American Legation, where we demonstrated.
George Sherman, The Observer (London), 11 November [68/71]

25 October

THE SHOOTING IN PARLIAMENT SQUARE

BUDAPEST
It turned out that last night's shooting [24 Oct.] was more than a mopping-up operation. At 10 a.m. a crowd of about 2,000 men and women, waving flags and shouting, "This is a peaceful demonstration!" passed in front of the United States Legation toward the near-by Parliament building. They greeted the United States flag, waving from the Legation building, with beaming faces. The marchers waved their hats and some shouted: "Why don't you help us?"
Then an amazing thing happened. Two huge Soviet tanks and an armored car drove up packed with young Hungarians fraternizing with the Russian soldiers. All were smiling uneasily. Other tanks and also a number of Soviet guns were mounted at various corners of the huge Gothic Parliament building. The demonstrators sent a three-member delegation into the building, which houses the office of Premier Imre Nagy. While waiting the return of their delegation, they shouted slogans such as "Down with Gero!" and "Release our prisoners!" The Russians remained friendly but kept away from the crowd and prevented the demonstrators from reaching a gate leading to the Premier's office.
I took cover in a doorway and, looking out, saw a tank firing wildly. Then three armored cars drove up packed with Soviet soldiers, but they aimed their guns toward the sky before they fired. How many became the victims of the shooting in Parliament Square today could not he ascertained. I saw a body of a woman lying under the arcades of the Ministry of Agriculture, opposite the Parlianient building, and three other bodies lying on the street car track.
When I revisited the scene in the afternoon the bodies had been taken away. One eyewitness said there were about two to three hundred dead on this square but figures naturally are exaggerated sometimes in such critical times. I could not see a single Hungarian soldier, neither army nor security police. At least in this area all the work was done by Soviet troops. The crowd shouted, "The radio is telling lies!" The Budapest radio is the only operating medium of public information -no newspapers have been printed for two days- and it frequently has called the rebels "counter-revolutionary," "reactionary elements," "fascists" and "armed gangs". I cannot know, of course, what the political sentiments of the crowd at the Parliament building were but it is a fact that none of them had arms.
I was present when a truck with a few Hungarian frontier guards was halted at a corner near the Parliament building and a young man in the crowd discovered that there were firearms in the truck.
"Go and get them!" said one of the soldiers.
"No, our weapon is the flag," said a middle-aged man who seemed to be in command of the unit...
Endre Marton, Associated Press, 25 October, By permission. [71/72]

"SLANDER"
The demonstrators' got as far as the Parliament building, which was protected by Soviet tanks. The demonstrators did not shoot, because they had no arms; and the Soviet soldiers did not fire. When the people stopped in front of the Parliament building, machine guns opened fire from the rooftop of the building opposite, showering the people with bullets and mercilessly mowing them down. When the Soviet soldiers saw this, they immediately moved their tanks forward, and their fire silenced the machine-guns on the rooftops. Dozens of people were killed on the spot, and many others were wounded. This is the work of counter-revolution.
Western propaganda took advantage of the massacre for slanders, by saying that the Soviet soldiers caused the bloodshed, and this for no other purpose than to incite the Hungarian people against the Soviet Army. The truth, however, is that the Soviet soldiers by firing silenced the .machine-guns of the counter-revolution which sowed death among the Hungarian people.
B. Konieczny, Rude Pravo (Prague), 11 November [72/76]

Richard Lettis: The Hungarian Revolt